Recent findings

Survey of literature

sala de estar / living room / oturma odası
estar (verb):
1. to be (indicates location in space)
2. to be (denotes a transient quality; a quality expected to change)

Sala da estar, then, should mean, literally, where one locates one's self, where transient qualities are experienced, or where one's qualities change.

The last one is my favourite: Sala de estar should be where one's qualities change (with respect to one's self and with respect to others). I mean, we should have a room just for this, and we already have a candidate.

The ideological frame

Spent too long in real life anyway. Was longing for switching to an imaginary narrative.


According to recent findings, I am officially in love now.

Further comments

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Logical deconstruction of a moment

He looked at her like someone who knew what he wanted.

From her look, to him, it was not clear, to him, whether she thought that he looked at her like someone who knew what he wanted, or not, while, in the affirmative case, that is, in the case that she thought he looked at her like someone who knew what he wanted, it was not clear, to him, whether she believed that the look was for real, for, even when one looks at someone else, at her in this case, like someone who knows what he wants, it does not necessarily follow that he actually knows what he wants,
which, in turn, can occur in two cases, one of which is this, that he does not know what he wants, but pretends to know what he wants, and, the second of which is this, that he does not know what he wants, but thinks he knows what he wants. The former case, that he looked at her like someone who knows what he wants, while actually not knowing what he wants, and, furthermore, that he was aware that he did not know what he wanted, yet looked at her like someone who knows what he wants, could have been a result of pretentious self-confidence, for he was well-known for his lack of self-confidence. The latter case, that he looked at her like someone who knows what he wants, thinking that he knew what he wanted, and, therefore, supposed that he, looking at her like someone who knows what he wants, was acting in an honest way, while, in reality, he did not know what he wanted – or, for that matter, perhaps was mistaken in his understanding of what he wanted, which would yield a similar result and will therefore be omitted in this analysis – , could have been a result of a delusion or of a confusion, of him, about what he wanted. Not that there was any reason for him to believe that it was the affirmative case, that is, that she thought he looked at her like someone who knew what he wanted, for it might well have been that she did not think he looked at her like someone who knew what he wanted, or, even worse, that she thought he looked at her like someone who did not know what he wanted. The only observable information was that his impression was that he looked at her like someone who knew what he wanted, and that she looked back, at him.

However, it was important for him, how she felt, or thought. (Not that it was not important for her, how she felt, or thought, for it was probable that it was, but this case is beyond the scope of this analysis.) It was important for him, how she felt, or thought, as he, once having known how she felt, or thought, would act according to this information. This is why he studied, in a moment's duration, each of the mentioned cases, and how he should act in each of the cases, in order to determine the best action to pursue, given that he did not have the information of how she felt, or thought.

If she thought that he looked at her like someone who knew what he wanted, yet that he actually did not know what he wanted but only pretended to know what he wanted, then, provided that she tracked this observation until its logical consequences, as he did, she would conclude, as he did, that he was pretending to be self-confident, which could most probably cause her to introduce a further distance between them – as there was already a distance between them, for historical reasons –, as it is generally considered preferable to keep a distance with someone who is considered, by the person in question, pretentious, and this would make the problem almost unsolvable, except if she had a preconception of him, which implied, or was, that he pretended to be self-confident for good intentions, for reasons unknown, in which case she could consider excusing, or at least ignoring, his condition. He concluded that, in this case, except when it was the exceptional sub-case mentioned just now, he would reach a dead end. Therefore, his only hope, in this case, to continue in any positive direction, was the small probability that she had a preconception of him, which implied, or was, that he pretended to be self-confident for good intentions, for reasons unknown, and, after calculating this probability to be infinitesimal, he moved on to the other cases.

If she thought that he looked at her like someone who knew what he wanted, that he did not know what he wanted, but thought he knew what he wanted, then, provided that she tracked this observation until its logical consequences, as he did, she would conclude, as he did, that he was deluded or confused, about what he wanted, which could most probably cause her to hesitate to express her feelings, or thoughts, seeing that he was not reliable. He concluded that, in this case, he would reach a dead end, unless he could find another way, a way different than looking at her like someone who knows what he wants, to continue the conversation towards a positive direction, in which she would feel comfortable to express her feelings, or thoughts. Given that she already had grounds for hesitating to express her feelings, or thoughts, he calculated the probability of him finding another way to continue the conversation towards a direction in which she would feel comfortable to express her feelings or thoughts, in such a way to neutralize the negative effects already caused by his look and then further create a positive and motivating ambiance – seeing that he was not a conversant person – to be infinitesimal, and moved on to the next cases.

If she did not think he looked at her like someone who knew what he wanted, then, most probably, she would have to assign a meaning to his look, a meaning different from the one he intended – which effort it is not obvious she would make, but will be assumed in this analysis. He remarked that if she assigned a different meaning to his look than the one he intended, namely, to give the impression that he knew what he wanted, then it would be almost impossible, for him, to guess correctly what that meaning would be, nor what consequences this meaning would have on her attitude towards him. He concluded, therefore, that the only way out, for him, was, for him to continue the conversation in another direction, and hope to reach safer grounds, unless he could find a way to infer the meaning she assigned to his look, in order to follow her line of thought, about him, to create a positive impression on her, but this last option, of inferring the meaning she assigned to his look, seemed highly improbable to him. He calculated the probability of him continuing the conversation in a direction to reach safer grounds to be infinitesimal, and moved on to the last case.

If she thought he looked at her like someone who did not know what he wanted, which, as mentioned before, was the worst case considered, by him, in this analysis, then this would most probably imply, for her, that he, not knowing what he wanted, was not worth the conversation. He concluded that, in this case, he would reach a dead end, unless he could find another way to demonstrate, to her, that he was someone who knows what he wants. Seeing that, under the assumptions of this case, he would have failed to show her that he was someone who knows what he wants, by looking, at her, like someone who knows what he wants, he calculated the probability of him finding another, and more effective, way of demonstrating her that he knew what he wanted, to be infinitesimal.

Considering all the cases carefully, using infinitesimal calculus, and ignoring the Bayes' theorem of probability (whereby he restricted his final results to the cases where he did not reach a dead end), he decided to open a conversation, as unrelated to his look at her, like someone who knows what he wants, as possible.

This desperate attempt, as well as its consequences, are beyond the scope of this analysis. Suffice it to say here that it was not related to what he wanted.

What is normal?

I was told to think, so I did.

I wouldn't consider myself as a sentimentalist, but well, there is the blog talking for itself anyway.

Stromae - Formidable (ceci n'est pas une leçon) from Quentin Devillers on Vimeo.

Whatever Happened To Pontape

Intro: The main left-wing union of Portugal, Confederação Geral dos Trabalhadores Portugueses - Intersindical Nacional (CGTP-IN) made a call for a march on October 19th. The title was "Pontape / Ponte a pé", a wordplay of "give a kick / bridge on foot". The idea was to gather laborers from all over the country to Lisbon (and Porto, but that's not relevant here), arrange a meeting point on the other side of the Tagus river, then march through the bridge into Lisbon city.
CGTP-IN informed the local authorities about the protest. Municipalities announced that the bridge is not under their supervision. State authorities argued that they couldn't provide the security of the protestants. The CGTP-IN leadership denounced such claims, claiming the issue was "not a technical one anymore, but a political one".
Later on, CGTP-IN and the Ministry of Internal Affairs had a meeting, where both position were repeated. The next day, CGTP-IN leader Arménio Carlos made a press conference. He reported that the "march" will take place "inside the buses". This means, the protesters will gather at a certain location, then cross the bridge with the buses, and then come back again inside the buses, ending the demonstration in Alcântara.
The followings are inspired by the outrageously hilarious chickening-out of the CGTP-IN leadership, which created a dissent not only among the protesters but also among the medium-ranking officials of the union.

Did I ever tell you how it is very hard to find a country like Portugal, where all political organizations are right-wing when compared to the society?


I skimmed the CGTP discourse. I skimmed the annual budget.

I declare my full respect and support to government officials. At least they honestly represent someone's interests.


I will never forgive CGTP for ruining the first and only wordplay I managed to understand in Portuguese language. (Pontape / Ponte a pé)


Today in Turkey, tens of thousands of animals were slaughtered as sacrifies, as part of the Islamic festivities. The Bosphorus in Istanbul turned red.

In the meanwhile in Lisbon, a wordplay joke was slaughtered as a sacrify to the gods of bourgeois legality.


I propose that the Ministry of Interior Affairs forbids all kinds of protests. Then perhaps we'd gather, go and visit other cities to make protests.

As it is also practically forbidden in Spain, I propose Alexanderplatz, Berlin.

It's a lovely square.


I propose that from now on all the protests be held inside buses. It's safer, securer and more comfortable.


I'm a CGTP-skeptic. I don't believe in CGTP, but there is a force.


Protests in Lisbon have ontological difficulties. You never know if a protest exists, in which shape it exists, and whether one can observe its existence.

Agnosticism rules.


I am told that an average CGTP member pays 40€ in 3 months.

Until now, I made 8 jokes about Pontape (not counting Arménio's). This makes 4€ a piece.

I challenge myself to make it worth 3€ a piece.

I mean, I support the cause.



The other day I went to SEF (Immigration Office) and sat there for 4 hours. As the toilets were really dirty, I went out, more determined than ever.

As media suppressed my occupation, I got more radicalized and took a bus all the way from Marques de Pombal to Restauradores.

This action was also censored by the mainstream media. But I am determined and angry.

A luta continua !



Nation got shocked to hear that buses' union will organize a demonstration in the 25th April Bridge this Saturday.

The spokesbus of Confederação Geral dos Transformers Portugueses (CGTP) made a press conference yesterday, announcing that buses will protest the new annual budget proposal on Saturday in Lisbon.

"The government is deliberately ignoring our demands. The word 'bus' does not appear a single time in the budget proposal. We decided to take action.", the spokesbus said.

Mercedes Benz, a very active member of the union, is tired of austerity measures. "Enough is enough!" says Benz, "We are one of the main consumers of oil. If the government does not listen to our demands, we will go further and make a strike." Benz emphasizes a common delusion and argues "They say it's people, but actually it is we who consumes oil. I've never seen a human eating oil. We have a real power coming from consumption."

"We noticed that we don't need people to make protests", comments the leader of the union's bus section, "Buses will do just fine. And they were coming to all the protests anyway." It notes that each human can bring at most one bus while each bus can bring up to 50 people to a demonstration. "Cars union declared its support to our event." says the leader.

It invited the Marxists to reevaluate their claim that only workers can produce surplus value and asked for solidarity from all the sectors of the society.

Ministry of Internal Affairs made an urgent call for a meeting with the Ministry of Education and Science. The government is planning to form a Futurists Committee to deal with the situation. "We don't even understand what they say", said the spokesperson of the Ministry, "All I hear is Ruummmmmm rummmmmmm rummmmm."


I walked around Lisbon today and saw the posters for the Oct 19th march. I realized that none of the posters imply that "human beings" are involved in the demonstration.

Stop complaining. CGTP was honest all the time.


If Turkey has flying revolutionaries, why shouldn't Portugal have invisible proletarians?
(Photo from May 1st, 2013. Istanbul)


Não há becos sem saída ! É possível que haja algumas pontes sem entrada...


There are two teams I wanted to take part in before I die. Monty Python, and CGTP text writing team. I'm sure they laugh the hell out of it while they produce new material.

"Com os pés sobre rodas marcharemos em protesto na ponte 25 de Abril" [taken from CGTP website]

I'm not laughing at you, CGTP administration, I'm laughing with you.

Confidence in bourgeois democracy in decline in Portugal

The results of the local elections on September 29th are highlighted with a decline in voter turnout accompanied with an increase in blank and invalid votes.

Bourgeois parties losing support.

While the elections were a complete defeat for the current government parties the liberal PSD (Social Democratic Party) and the conservative CDS-PP (People's Party), the results do not show good signs for the other parties too.

Here are the results, as emphasized by mainstream media (in comparison with the last local elections):

2013 2009
Socialist Party (PS) %35 %37
Right-wing coalitions (PSD, CDS-PP etc.) %34 %41
Democratic Unity Coalition (CDU) (Portuguese Communist Party and Ecologist Party “The Greens”) %12 %11
Left Bloc (BE) %3 %4

As can be noted, the government parties – which provoked a massive public dissent due to the austerity measures they introduced – had their worst local elections in history. While the votes of central left Socialist Party (PS) and the Left Bloc (BE) decreased, the only organization that significantly increased its number of representatives in the municipal assemblies was the Democratic Unity Coalition (CDU).

Increased distrust to the political system being voiced.

However, there is another remarkable trend that the above figure hides. With the exception of CDU which slightly increased its votes, all political parties gained less number of votes in absolute terms. Among approximately 9 million electorates, right-wing parties lost 700 thousand votes while the number of votes for PS fell by 250 thousand.

During the anti-Troika (IMF, ECB, European Commission) protests in March where 1 million people went to streets nationwide (approximately 10% of the population), it was claimed by some that public trust on “within system” solutions was in decline. This claim seems to be supported by the local election results.

2013 2009
Voter turnout % 52,56 % 58,98
Blank votes (as percentage of total votes) % 4,32 % 1,99
Invalid votes (as percentage of total votes) % 3,07 % 1,28

According to this, some 500 thousand more electorates did not cast their votes, compared to 2009. And among those who actually voted, the amount of blanks and invalids more than doubled. This figure further demonstrates that the decrease in percentages in the previous figure actually signify a sharper decline in real number of votes.

New demonstrations on the way

In 2011, the minority government of the Socialist Party was not able to pass the Troika pack in the parliament and, further affected by mass demonstrations, resigned. After the elections, PSD and CDS-PP formed a right-wing coalition government and started implementing the austerity measures of Troika, creating tremendous dissent and unrest among the Portuguese society due to increased unemployment and poverty. This in turn resulted in mass demonstrations unprecedented in the country's history. The strong left-wing trade union confederation made a call for a protest on October 19th in Lisbon and Porto, while there is yet another call for a mass demonstration on October 26th in Lisbon with the motto “There is no such thing as dead-end.”

Source: , visited: September 30th, 2013. 15:00 local time. All numbers are based on the votes for municipal assemblies. While the results for mayorship and neighborhood units are similar, as different coalitions were made in various districts, the presentation of such data is more complicated.
We further note that the numbers are based on %99.42 of the results, while there was not yet an official declaration from the state authorities on the exact data.



Gezi çok güzel

Sokaklar çok güzel

Parklar çok güzel


Direniş çok güzel

Örgütlenmek çok güzel

Devrim çok güzel






 Öfkeni al

  İnadını al

  Umudunu al









Very Hard To Get Killed By The State

Serdar (35) :

     had a heart attack due to tear gas and died,

     but he had heart problems and he was still smoking and consuming alcohol,

     therefore he is

     not murdered by the police

     not murdered by the state.

Ahmet (22) :

     fell down from a building during the protests,

     not murdered by the police

     not murdered by the state.

Ali İsmail (19) :

     beaten up to death by non-uniformed people in the backstreets,

     not murdered by the police

     not murdered by the state.

Medeni (18) :

     shot to death when protesting the construction of a police station

     murdered by the state, yes,

          but, doesn't count too:

              his protest was not part of the Gezi uprising.

Zeynep (55) :

     had a heart attack and died, while marching in support of Gezi

     not murdered by the police

     not murdered by the state.

İrfan (47) :

     was cleaning a private tutoring school,

     overly affected by tear gas, had a heart attack and died,

     he was not taking part in the demonstrations, therefore he is

     not murdered by the police

     not murdered by the state.

Abdullah (22) :

     hit on the head during the protests and died,

     as the case is "unsolved", he is

     not murdered by the police

     not murdered by the state.

Mehmet (20) :

     ran over by a car that drove through the protesting crowd,

     not murdered by the police

     not murdered by the state.

Ethem (26) :

     shot to death by a police gun

        but the bullet should have rebounded from somewhere

           and it was self defence for the cop anyway

           and the cop did not "intend" to kill - as court has put it

           and Ethem was definitely clearly most probably surely a terrorist or something

        therefore he is

     not murdered by the police

     not murdered by the state.

How Many Trees Add Up To A Forest?




One hundred.

One thousand.

Ten thousand.

One million.

What makes a bunch of trees

                                   a  forest

               is not the number of trees.

What makes a bunch of trees

                                   a  forest

               is the forest ecosystem

               that is, the non-trees

               that is, those who live because of trees

                     those who give life to trees



                and worms

                 and birds

                  and flies

                   and grass

                    and butterflies

                     and snakes

                      and lizards

                       and flowers

                        and bugs

                         and bushes

                          and bacterias

                           and moles

                            and spiders

                             and many other species as well as minerals

                                           whose names we lament not mentioning here,

               and water

                and trees,

                 and the complementary

                  and interactive


               of all these.

A hint

   for those

   who'd like to understand

      the culture

         that created

    the protester


               while throwing the gas canister back to the police side

           hits another protester

           and apologizes

    in the middle of the crowd

        inside a gas cloud.

Kaç Ağaç Bir Orman Eder?






On bin.


Ağaçlar yığınını orman yapan

               ağaçların sayısı değil.

Ağaçlar yığınını orman yapan

               orman ekosistemi

               yani ağaç olmayanlar

               yani ağaçlarla yaşayıp

                     ağaçları yaşatanlar



                ve solucanlar

                 ve kuşlar

                  ve sinekler

                   ve otlar

                    ve kelebekler

                     ve yılanlar

                      ve kertenkeleler

                       ve çiçekler

                        ve böcekler

                         ve çalılar

                          ve bakteriler

                           ve köstebekler

                            ve örümcekler

                             ve burada adını anmadığımız için ne kadar özür dilesek az olan

               onlarca tür ve onlarca mineral

               ve su

                ve ağaçlar

                 ve tüm bunların

                  birbirini tamamlayan

                  birbiriyle etkileşen


Koşuşan kitle içinde

   yerdeki gaz kapsülünü

      polise geri fırlatırken

      kolunun çarptığı protestocudan

               özür dileyen


   yaratan kültürü

          anlamak isteyenlere

                  bir ipucu.

Velkam tu dı maşiğn

Renkli merdivenden dehşete kapılan

ölü Ahmet Atakan'ın sosyal medyadaki hesabından ürken

sırt çantalı herkesten kuşkulanan

              bir iktidar



                                  siyasal istikrarı?

Gölgesinden korkan bir hükümet mi



"In Case of Danger: Panic ! "

                                  diyor odamdaki kart.

Zafer yakın,

            sandığımızdan çok daha yakın,

            hele bir yıl önce sandığımıza kıyasla

                                           sanki yarın.

Derin bir nefes al,

           yelkenlere asıl,

               hem öfkeni koru

                      hem soğukkanlılığını.

Zafer sandığımızdan çok daha yakın.

İdeolojik Deformasyon ve Engels


Bir arkadaşımla Karşıyaka'da Yalı Caddesi boyunca yürüyorduk. Yakın zamanda okuduğum kişisel gizlilik ve mahremiyet hakkında bir kitaptan bahsediyordum. Derken kaldırıma stencil'le yazılmış bir yazı gözüme çarptı. Yazı silik olduğundan mı, hava kararmış olduğundan mı bilmem, görür görmez sesli olarak okudum gördüğümü: “Engels İzmir!”
Yerde gördüğümüz stencil

Arkadaşım da durdu. Şöyle bir süre süzdük yazıyı. Esaslı bir Engels taraftarı olarak kısa bir süre için bile olsa çok heyecanlandığımı itiraf etmeliyim.

Bir adım geri attık, bir adım ileri attık. Kafamızı sağa çevirdik, sola çevirdik. Kabaca 10 saniyelik bir sürenin ardından yazılanı Engelsİzmir olarak okumamız gerektiğini fark edebildik.

Mesleki deformasyon diye bir şey var, biliyoruz. Eğer ideolojik deformasyon diye bir şey varsa, işte tam da budur herhalde.

İzmir Büyükşehir Belediyesi'nin düzenlediği, İzmir Fuarı'nda gerçekleşecek Engelsiz İzmir 2013 Kongresi'nin internet sayfası şurada, birçok ön etkinlik de yapmışlar hali hazırda.

Kongrenin sayfasında bulduğum logo. Sakın yanlış anlaşılmasın, tasarımı veya herhangi bir şeyini eleştiriyor falan değilim. Ellerine sağlık kim yapmışsa, güzel olmuş bence.

Not: Ah be, İzmir'deki Engelsistler örgütlenseler ne muhteşem olmaz mıydı?

“Sen gelme ulan ayı!”daki ayı olmak


-Ula ben?
-E beeen??
*Sen gelme ulan ayı !
Kemal Sunal, Kibar Feyzo (1978)

Gezi direnişiyle başlayan ayaklanma hakkında farklı farklı insanlarla yaptığım sohbetlerde, iki ay içinde bizzat yaşadım şunların tamamını:

*Bu yeni nesli anlamamız lazım bizim.
-Tamam, ben anlatayım mesela kendimi?
*Yok sen değil, 90'lar kuşağını diyorum.

*Bu Gezi'deki gençlerin taleplerini dinlemeliyiz.
-Hah, bak mesela benim taleplerim...
*Yok seni demiyorum, sen önceden de politiktin.

*Türkiye halkı ne gibi sebeplerle eylem yapıyor?
-Ya işte mesela beni en çok öfkelendiren...
*Seni sormuyorum, halk ne istiyor onu merak ettim.
-E ben neyim?
*Ya sen eğitimlisin, üniversite mezunusun falan.

*Gezi eylemcilerinin taleplerini doğru okumak lazım.
-İşte biz mesela sorumluların istifasını...
*Seni demiyorum, sen zaten sosyalistsin.

*Orada eylemcilerin polis müdahelesinden sonra yaptıkları...
-Biz orada haklı ve meşru...
*Sen değil, sen Salı günü orada değildin ki.
-E ama Çarşamba oradaydım, ben değildiysem de arkadaşlarım oradaydı yahu. Ayrıca orada olsam da onların yaptığının aynısını...
*O sayılmaz. Sonuçta sen orada değildin o anda.

*Eylemlerde işçi sınıfının konumu nedir?
-Ya işte ben...
*Yok seni değil işçileri soruyorum.
-E ama ben de ücretli çalışıyor sayılırım. Üstelik ne emekliliğim yatıyor, ne de seneye iş güvencem var.
*Sendikalı mısın?
*Tamam, sendikalar nasıl hareket ettiler?

*Gençlikten başka nasıl insanlar var eylemlerde?
-İşte benim arkadaşlarım var, güvencesiz ve esnek çalışıyor hepsi.
*Başka? Siz genç sayılırsınız.
-Ya başka biri de beni genç saymamıştı. Hem ben 27 yaşındayım yahu, genci mi kalmış. Arkadaşlarım da mezun oldular, işe girdiler falan.
*Olsun, 30 yaş altı genç sayılır.

*Sosyalist sol Gezi direnişinde sınıfta kaldı.
-Ya olur mu biz eylemlerin en başından itibaren barikatlarda olsun yayınlarımızda olsun...
*Seni değil, sosyalist partileri diyorum.

*Bu bilgisayar başı gençliğini bizim anlamamıza imkan yok.
-Yo, var gayet. Bak benle konuş mesela.
*Seni demiyorum ben.
-Yuh! Yahu bu da mı gol değil. Tüm lise hayatım boyunca günde üç saat diyablo eycof oynuyordum ben be.
*Ya bu gençlerin elinde telefonlar aypodlar aypedler. Sen çocukluğunda sokakta top koşturmuştun sonuçta.

Sırası tam böyle değil. Olayın farkına sonradan farkına vardığım için diyaloglar sözcüğü sözcüğüne doğru olamadı. Ama olay özetle budur.

Hiçbir sohbette, hiçbir tartışmada, görüşü alınmaya değer olamıyorum. Bir yolunu bulup bir açıdan (çok dar bir açı bile olsa) olayların öznesi olmaya çalışıyorum, olamıyor. Daima bir şekilde diskalifiye oluyorum. Sordum, herkesin durumu böyle değilmiş. İnsanlar gayet soruyorlarmış benim arkadaşlarımın görüşlerini falan sokakta parkta bile. Bir çeşit korporativizm herhalde, benim payıma da bu düşmüş. Siyasette de birimizin “sen gelme ulan ayı”daki ayı olması gerekiyormuş meğer. Bu da benim rolümmüş. İyi peki.

Sınıf Mücadelesini Bir Hafta İçinde İki Kez Kaybetmek


Oturma odası. Birbirine dik iki büyük koltuğa oturmuş, yirmili yaşlarının sonlarında dört kadın, üç erkek. Koltukların önünde bir sehpa. Sehpada çaydanlık ve çay bardakları. Gecenin geç bir saati. Gezi Direnişi ile başlayan ayaklanmanın üçüncü haftası.

Kahramanlarımız, tüm akşam boyunca polisle çatışmış, güneşin doğmasına yakın evlerine dönmüşlerdir. Günle ilgili birçok küçük hikayenin ve detayın paylaşılmasının ardından, yorgunluğun da bastırmasıyla kısa bir sessizlik olur.

Pelin (Yakup'a dönerek): Ya sınıf mücadelesini yine kaybettik !

Yakup (fark eder): Hakkaten ya, iki oldu bu !

Sessizlik. Herkes çayını yudumlamaya devam eder.

ben (şaşkınlıkla): Arkadaşlar?

Pelin ve Yakup bana soru soran gözlerle bakarlar. Kısa sessizlik.

ben (daha da şaşırarak): Konu nedir yahu?

Pelin (yarı uyuklayarak): Ya yok mu oyun. Çadırda bıraktık yine. Salı günü de unutmuştuk böyle.

Bu, bir haftada sınıf mücadelesini iki kez kaybeden bir grup Gezi direnişçisinin hikayesidir.

Bertell Ollman tarafından 70'lerde tasarlanan oyun yakın zamanda Türkçe olarak tasarlandı.

Turkey Uprising: websites in English

This is a (certainly incomplete) list of websites, which contain background information, photos, videos, personal testimonies, or updates on the uprising in Turkey.

I believe this video, although not informational, is the best summary of the Gezi spirit.

There are obviously plenty of more websites in Turkish, including solidarity networks for the detentions, injuries, torture etc.

  • Parklar Bizim tries to keep track of all the meeting minutes of all the park forums in Turkey. While the content is in Turkish, perhaps it would give a slight idea of the forums taking place.
  • Park Hareketi, linked to Parklar Bizim, provides a map of all the park forums in Turkey.
  • Gezi Parkı Tutsaklarına Özgürlük, i.e. Freedom to Gezi Park Prisoners, has an English option, although for the moment I did not encounter many content in English. Yet it is still relevant because you can show your support and solidarity to our political prisoners by sending them letters, and here is an updated list of their addresses.

Turkey Uprising updates: June 27th - July 7th

This is the fourth post of a day-by-day compilation of the uprising that is taking place in Turkey. Previous posts cover the updates for May 31st - June 4th, June 5th - June 14th and June 15th - June 26th. I strongly suggest you to have a look at them before reading this one. This post, on the other hand, has the complete list of the links published in these updates.

To begin with, police attacks in Ankara did not stop until very recently: On June 27th, police attacked the march in Dikmen neighbourhood, the water cannons used a foamy mixture, the composition of which is unknown to the protesters.

In the previous post, I tried making a list of detentions, police raids and arrest. The continued on a daily basis. Suffice it now to say that the total number of arrests (careful: not detentions, arrests by court order) exceeded 100 by June 28th.
You can show your support and solidarity to the political prisoners by sending them letters. Here is a regularly updated list of addresses.

On June 28th, in Lice, Diyarbakır, the locals organized a demonstration to protest the construction of an extension of a police station. Police opened fire to the protesters, killing 1 and injuring 6. This was followed by massive solidarity demonstration all around Turkey.

The end of June and the beginning of July witnessed huge neighbourhood assemblies. The protesters somehow preferred to call them Park Forums, and I will follow this tradition.

June 29th, Elvankent, Ankara. Park forum.

June 19th, Abbasağa Park, İstanbul. Park forum.

The Park Forums were mainly spontaneous. Therefore coordination, reporting and publicity took time to establish. According to this website, which tries to keep each forum aware of each other, there are 80 forums organized all around the country.

Park Forums in Istanbul by July 7th.

On July 3rd, the court overruled the project in Taksim square that would transform the area into a cement lake. (This is not the shopping mall project yet. Yes, AKP has more destruction projects for the same area.) Taksim Solidarity Platform made a call for July 6th, simply stating "We are going to our park.".

July 6th was like the good old days. Police attacked the protest before its announced time. Excessive use of gas bombs and rubber bullets were documented. Police entered several buildings, including party headquarters and cultural centres. Many journalists (around 15) were reported to be detained. Conflicts started at 18:30, and continued until 4:00.

July 6th, Istanbul.

What was new about July 6th was the presence of 4-5 fascists with cleavers in their hands. These people were escorted by the police and they attacked the protesters, injuring many.

July 6th, Istanbul. This guy was detained for a couple of hours and then released.

Here is a video documenting how police shoots rubber bullets from a distance of 50 centimetres !

On July 7th, Sunday, several alternative media organizations organized a huge gathering in Kadıköy, İstanbul. The event was promoted by 3 TV channels, 5 daily newspapers, 1 online news portal and 2 radio channels.

July 7th, Kadıköy, İstanbul. 300 thousand people attended the alternative media festival.

Turkey Uprising updates: June 15th - June 26th

This is the third post of a day-by-day compilation of the uprising that is taking place in Turkey. The previous two posts cover the updates for May 31st - June 4th and June 5th - June 14th. They both start with a good number of links for further information, including analysis, visual material and testimonies. I strongly suggest you to have a look at them before reading this one.

I would like to add the following links:

June 15, Istanbul. Taksim square and Gezi Park attacked.

On June 15th, there were more popular assemblies in Gezi Park to talk about the future. The author of this post was in the general assembly (to compile the results of the 7 popular assemblies), which was cancelled due to police attacks to Gezi Park and Taksim Square.

All public transport was cancelled, bridges were closed. All neighbourhoods were marching towards Taksim. (Conflicts were reported even 11 km. away from the square.)

The fights continued for two days in many neighbourhoods of Istanbul, resulting with the invasion of Gezi Park and Taksim square by the police forces. Many detentions and injuries were reported.

(By the way, on June 16th, Tayyip made a rally in Istanbul. They took the municipality buses to carry people to the area. AKP says more than 1 million 300 thousand participated. Scientists calculated at most 295 thousand can fit there anyway. Mass media tried to make sense of AKP's lies, uses photoshop techniques such as fish-eye lenses, colouring red and adding flags.)

June 17th was the day of general strike, called by the progressive labour unions and associations. Protesters wanted to march to Taksim square but were attacked by the police some 2.5 km away from it.

And then, something very interesting happened. No one was willing to go home.

The "standing people" action was launched by an artist in Taksim Square. The idea was to stand in silence, without any action. It spread around the country in a few hours, thousands were standing. 22 got detained the same day.

Standing people, June 17, Taksim square.

At the same time, in Beşiktaş, Istanbul, a popular assembly emerged spontaneously.

Assembly in Beşiktaş, İstanbul. June 17.

The idea of holding assemblies spread rapidly. The next few days witnessed many neighbourhood assemblies across the country. While writing this, the communication between the assemblies is being formed. So I am not sure about the exact number, my mild guess is some 70 assemblies (most of which are in the big cities such as Istanbul, Ankara and Izmir).

Afterwards, there seemed to be a common impression that Turkey calmed down a little. My response is a clear NO, because government's attacks never stopped.
Here is a quick summary of how the state's declaration of war against the citizens has been going:

June 18th. Police raids, 4 detentions (socialist activists). (released on June 21st)
June 21st. Police raids, around 10 detentions.
June 23rd. Police attacks to demo. 12 detentions.
June 25th. 6 of the detained got arrested. (socialists)

June 18th. Massive police raids, 25 detentions (many revolutionaries)
June 21st. 22 of them got arrested.
June 25th. Massive police raids, 23 detentions (many revolutionaries). Also on the same day, police attacked brutally to protesters in Dikmen neighbourhood.
June 25th. Police raids, around 10 detentions.

June 26th. 7 detentions due to attendance to solidarity protests for Gezi park. Police is collecting people from the street. (The rumour is that they have a list in their hand.)
June 16th. Police raids to leaders of Çarşı (Beşiktaş Football Fan Club), 20 detentions.
June 18th. Massive police raids, 70 detentions (including leaders and members of revolutionary organizations)
June 20th. 2 Çarşı members got arrested.
June 21st. 18 of the 70 detained got arrested.
June 23rd. 15 detention in Taksim march. (See below)
June 26th. Warrant of arrest decreed for 7 protesters.

June 20th. Police attacked the camps in Gündoğdu Square early in the morning, 48 detentions. Police raids with unknown number of detentions.
June 22nd. 13 of them got arrested.
June 24th. Police raids. 13 detentions (mostly socialists).
June 26th. 2 of the detained are reported to be tortured. (one got his finger dislocated, one got his arm broken)

Izmir, June 20th. Very early in the morning. Police attacks and destroys the tents.
June 20th. 2 people arrested. (socialists)
June 25th. Police raids, many detentions. (many are released, numbers unknown)

June 21st. Police attacked marching protesters, 20 detentions. 

I am listing a bunch of police raids and detentions. Perhaps it doesn't make sense to you. It shouldn't ! Here's why: Erdal Kozan, under arrest in Ankara due to participation in the protests, appears in court, says to the judge: "The search warrant lists 9 organizations. It is not specified to which we belong. Will you choose for us, or will we have a chance to state our preferences?"

Assemblies seem to have settled themselves and reached a regularity, sending meeting minutes and establishing coordination among them.

On the other hand, Taksim Solidarity Platform made a call to march to Taksim Square with carnations. This protest took place on June 23rd, and police naturally attacked carnations too.

Taksim square, June 23rd. Istanbul city governor explained it: "The activity went beyond putting carnations and started disturbing public order. The routine traffic in Taksim was blocked for almost an hour. This is why this convenient intervention took place."

Istiklal street next to Taksim, Istanbul. June 23rd. After the police attack to the carnations.

On the same day, there were protests all over Turkey.

I have been stating that this has been a war one-sidedly declared by the state to its citizen. But I also titled the previous post as "A continuous battle", which needs further explanation. The reason was to emphasize on the systematic negligence towards Ankara, where not a single day passed (for almost a month now) without police attacks.

Here is a testimony of June 22nd in Ankara: Police attacks in Kennedy Avenue, 70 year old Nurettin Aydın gets in front of the water cannon and shouts “Don't!”. Police attacks to Aydin too. Aydin, who has problems with his heart, is now in hospital. He had a letter in his hand, found by the protesters carrying him to the hospital: "If I take my share of tear gas and die, contact my family." together with a phone number.

On June 23rd, Tayyip (PM) clearly stated the following: "They ask who gave the orders to the police. I did." The next day, he further commented "Our police had a legendary and heroic performance.", and added: "First, you shall know your place. You say “such-and-such platform”, whatever platform you are. When have feet and head changed places?"

Following these declarations, on June 24th, the court sent Ahmet Ş. (the cop who murdered Ethem by shooting him on the head) free. The court considered his act as self defence and decided not to arrest him at all. Honest enough, the judge stated: "It is decreed that his arrest would cause irretrievable harms." I interpret this as: "It would serve as an example. We cannot start a tradition of arresting murderers." Just to remind, this is how they murdered Ethem Sarısülük:

There were demonstration everywhere on June 25th, protesting this decision of the court. Mass participation was observed in many cities. Strangely, police did not attack in Istanbul. But it did attack very brutally in Dikmen, Ankara, as it always does.

Ankara, Dikmen. June 25th.

On June 26th, 2 protesters who were eye witnesses of the murder of Ethem got detained. One got arrested later on the same day.

It is also reported that there is an illegal construction work going on in Gezi Park, under the surveillance of the police. Non-police people are still not allowed to enter the park.